As Vice President Kamala Harris rolls out a wide-ranging agenda for the political establishment, some Democrats are worried she is going too far in trying to win over moderates skeptical of former President Donald J. Trump. I am concerned that this may be the case. They have said privately and increasingly publicly as Election Day approaches that she risks alienating progressive and working-class voters and dampening Democratic enthusiasm. It became.
In closing arguments this month, Harris campaigned four times with former Republican congresswoman Liz Cheney, but had more friction with her than with any other ally. In October, she appeared more often with billionaire Mark Cuban than with Sean Fein, president of the United Auto Workers union and one of the nation’s most prominent labor leaders.
She has put middle-class issues like small business and entrepreneurship at the center of economic policy, rather than raising the minimum wage, a goal deeply held by many Democrats and with support across the polls. are. She has taken the toughest stance on border issues of any member of her generation, speaking more prominently about owning a Glock than about fighting climate change. She has not broken with President Biden on Israel’s war in Gaza.
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, a symbol of the progressive movement for many Americans, has been actively campaigning for Harris in several battleground states. But he said in interviews that he was alarmed by the number of working-class voters who asked what Harris would do for them on issues such as raising wages and allowing Medicare to cover dental care. He said he was there.
“They want her to be more vocal about standing up for the working class of this country,” Sanders said. “You lose the working class. I don’t know how you win elections.”
At a town hall-style event with Sanders in Milwaukee this month, a woman openly criticized Harris. “Mr. Kamala has been talking about the middle class,” she said, to applause. “But she doesn’t mention the poor and the working poor.”
Part of Harris’ approach is tactical. Progressive voices have been keeping a low profile alongside her at campaign events as she battles accusations from Trump that she is dangerously liberal. Moving to the center in general elections is a standard political tactic, but leftists have long expressed dissatisfaction with Democrats doing so.
The Harris campaign claims it is running a large-scale campaign with appeal that cuts across party lines and class lines. Harris’ aides hope to rally support among suburban voters, particularly women, who are driven by abortion rights and tired of Trump’s divisiveness and confusion, and her team hopes to attract more voters, especially women, who are driven by abortion rights and tired of Trump’s divisiveness and confusion. , says the approach has shown effectiveness. Harris also chose Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, a grassroots liberal supporter, as her running mate.
But for Harris, whose race polls suggest a tie, keeping the Democratic Party united and vibrant is especially important, with even a few left-leaning voters in battleground states staying home or not. A vote for Jill Stein could have serious consequences for the party. Green Party candidate.
Some progressives point to the vice president’s weak support among Black and Latino voters as evidence that his message is not reaching enough workers. Sensing an opportunity with blue-collar voters who were already leaning toward the Republican Party, Mr. Trump welcomed them with ads and messages.
And they worry that Harris is falling into the same trap as Hillary Clinton in 2016, of fooling liberal voters by not offering any significant policy changes.
Elise Joshi, executive director of Gen-Z for Change, a progressive group that endorses Harris and is knocking on doors to support her, said there is a lack of interest among many young voters in running for vice president. He said he was concerned that the excitement was waning.
“This tent is big enough for the man who brought us into war with Iraq, but it’s not big enough for a Palestinian to speak for two minutes on the podium at the DNC,” Joshi said, adding that her Contrasted support. Harris’ speech by former Vice President Dick Cheney, Cheney’s father, follows the Democratic Party’s decision not to invite Palestinian Americans to speak at the national convention.
“When she selected Tim Walz as her running mate, the atmosphere really reached a climax,” Joshi added. “Those days feel like a long time ago.”
Calculating movement to center
The Harris campaign’s move toward centrism is aimed at specifically targeting college-educated, wealthy white voters who may have voted Republican in the past.
This group is more likely to vote than poor blacks and Latinos. Mr. Trump gave Democrats an opening to rally more trustworthy voters with a series of bizarre rants, including threats to use the military against the “enemy within” and an endless riff about a deceased professional golfer. In the end, he praised his achievements. genital. Harris’ team is also investing heavily in reaching undecided voters of color.
“America is ready for a new generation of optimistic leaders, and that’s why Democrats, Republicans and independents are voting for us in our elections,” Harris said last week in Erie County, Pennsylvania, a key lead area in the battleground state. “I support the movement,” he said.
Polls show that Harris’ economic message, focused on cutting taxes for the middle class and creating opportunities for small businesses, resonates more with voters than Biden. He has narrowed his lead over Trump significantly, making him the more trusted candidate to handle the economy. And she has developed widely appealing policies, including expanding the child tax credit and covering Medicare home health care and even vision and hearing benefits.
On Tuesday, she said in an interview with NBC News that she supports raising the minimum wage to at least $15 an hour, but Trump sidestepped the question.
Many of Ms. Harris’ progressive and labor union allies believe she can mobilize young, left-wing and working-class voters while also reaching out to Republicans. They are more focused on defeating Trump than on ideological purity.
“I think she’s a progressive,” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington, chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. “I think she’s also realistic about her beliefs and what it takes to win and what it takes to win at the polls. The most important thing for progressives and for this country is: I think she wins.”
American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten, one of six national teachers union leaders who appeared with Harris in Detroit last week, said the vice president’s economic policies are about “creating wealth for working people.” He said he is focusing on.
“Working-class voters want to be middle-class voters,” Weingarten said.
“Will she fight for what we believe in?”
Still, Harris is the person she was when she ran for president in the 2019 Democratic primary, supporting “Medicare for All,” calling for the decriminalization of illegal border crossings, and opposing fracking. There was a major change in direction.
Progressives across left-wing interest groups say they are concerned about energy.
“We’ve reached out to nearly 1 million young voters in swing states,” said Stevie O’Hanlon, communications director for the Sunrise Movement, a progressive climate group. “And I’m hearing there’s not the level of enthusiasm that you would expect given the contrast is so stark and how dangerous Trump’s presidency is.”
Maurice Mitchell, national director of the Working Families Party, said he has knocked on doors in Pennsylvania and Georgia, and many working-class voters are still unsure whether Harris will “fight for them.” He said he seemed unsure.
“That requires her campaign to have a very intense focus on the base,” he said.
Our Revolution, a progressive group founded by Mr. Sanders, has surveyed left-wing voters and found a significant lack of enthusiasm for Ms. Harris, said its executive director, Joseph Guivarghese.
“Will she fight for what we believe in?” Guivarghese said. “I don’t think people are sure. Most people will bite their tongue and vote to defeat Donald Trump, but some will not be able to overcome major opposition.”
Taylor Robinson and Ruth Igielnik contributed reporting.
